As was to be expected, if not logical, the Spanish state's public prosecution service has decided to not ask for a European Arrest Warrant nor an international arrest warrant against Catalan minister Clara Ponsatí. It was to be expected because, unlike on other prior occasions, the media which divulges confidential information from the Moncloa government palace had taken extreme care to not amplify the topic through the news over the whole weekend. It's been like that since Ponsatí herself announced on Twitter on Saturday that she had moved to Scotland, leaving her exile in Brussels, to return to teaching at the University of St Andrews. And it's not logical for the unjust and inhumane actions of judge Pablo Llarena towards Oriol Junqueras, Joaquim Forn, Jordi Sànchez and Jordi Cuixart, who he is keeping in Estremera and Soto del Real prisons and which should oblige him, by the same token, to act in the same vein internationally.
But he hasn't. This is good news not only for Ponsatí and the members of the government in exile in Brussels, for president Carles Puigdemont, and also ministers Toni Comín, Lluís Puig and Meritxell Serret. It's also good news for showing before Spanish and Catalan public opinion how a legal case can be armed with accusations are serious as rebellion and sedition without them being able to be defended before other countries' courts. With the United Kingdom, there's now four of them: as well as Belgium, Denmark (Puigdemont having travelled to the capital, Copenhagen) and Switzerland (former CUP deputy Anna Gabriel having been welcomed by Geneva). The perception that the pro-independence leaders are being submitted to a custom legal process is only reinforced by attitudes like those adopted by the state's prosecutors.
The state has a clear credibility problem in all the legal moves it's making. This has already been seen internationally. Nationally, the impact of judge Llarena's order banning deputy Jordi Sànchez from attending the Parliament's plenary session which was to vote on his investiture as president of Catalonia has merely spread the clear effect of distorting the laws to prevent a parliamentarian who is not deprived of their rights from acceding to the highest role in Catalonia. As already happened in Puigdemont's case, after his candidacy was vetoed by the Constitutional Court, one day international courts will decide on the actions of the Spanish justice system. Sànchez's case is heading in the same direction. The question is what Llarena will do about deputy Jordi Turull, free since 4th December after spending more than a month in Estremera prison. He will be plan C for the investiture.