There are many ways to measure the repression of the Spanish state in Catalonia. One is the deployment of important contingents of security forces from the rest of the state to the Catalan territory. The fact that the responsibility with regards law and order in Catalonia belongs to the Mossos d'Esquadra (Catalan police), means that other corps, like the Civil Guard or Spain's National Police, have a token presence and are often scarcely visible. However, both Spain's Ministry of Interior and the Public Prosecutor's Office, with their instruction to agents to act in the face of any event related to the referendum, their presence is more evident. None of this, however, is demotivating the independence movement: the concentrations are more numerous than ever, and the farewell given to the agents is carried out with songs, flowers and in a festive tone. Undoubtedly, this was not the answer they imagined from Madrid.
Another way to measure the repression of the state is the response to acts such as, for example, the municipal calls to put up posters asking people to vote and to vote yes. Throughout Catalonia, organised groups have sprung up, congregating in the squares and then dispersing through the streets, putting up posters. Some are identified by the police; in other cases, the next day the posters have been torn down. But the next day they're put back up, and the day after as well. There is a third way to measure the repression of the state. What is the response to the different meetings being celebrated? Very important and very massive. Nothing to do with a conventional political campaign.
But there is also a last way to analyse the repression of the state and it is the political answer. It is here where Pablo Iglesias and Podemos (We Can) want to introduce a wedge that does not leave them out of the game in Catalan and Spanish politics. Although it has taken almost 72 hours since the visits by the Civil Guard to the media, that clearly have no other reading than that of a serious attack on the freedom of expression, of opinion, of business and, in short, to the democracy that it literally intends to flatten in Catalonia, the leader of the purple group (Podemos) has had to come out of the comfort zone. And he has done it with a clear speech in which he has stated that the government of the PP (Popular Party) is jeopardizing democracy and civil rights.
And it's that the repression of the PP is so strong and, in addition, the forecasts indicate that we are still far from the last actions from the state, that Pablo Iglesias, Ada Colau (Mayor of Barcelona) and Xavier Domènech (spokesman of Catalunya en Comú) had to end up being on the side of the referendum of 1st October. They can call it something else, mobilisation against the PP or whetever they like, but in the end the key is whether the ballot boxes will hold the votes from the 'Comuns' or not. And every time it points more to the answer being yes - and in the days to come that will only increase. Colau, cunning, even if she keeps dragging her feet, already took the step last week in an agreement that has not been explained, but made clear that it entails municipal assistance in the voting. And the clock will not stop.