One of the first obligations of a political analyst is, or should be, to know how to explain things. To provide - to readers, in this case - information and opinion so that they can freely form an idea about the issue. Obviously, the opinion will be subjective, but readers will always have the opportunity to agree or disagree if they are given enough information to put their own criteria on things. I recognize, however, that often this is not easy, as there is no logic that explains everything. And this Thursday, in the Congress of Deputies, certain events took place that, due to the reiterative way they have been popping up lately, are difficult to explain: why does Esquerra Republicana (ERC) continue to put up with the government of Pedro Sánchez repeatedly leaving it stark naked in front of its electorate on issues that should be absolutely central for them? Can you be a partner with the PSOE on matters that Sánchez wants to pursue in Spanish politics and an adversary when it is ERC which has interests at stake, because they have an impact on Catalonia?
The parliamentary conniving carried out by Pedro Sánchez to push through the audiovisual law leaves ERC in a very bad position, as this legislation was the price exacted for supporting the Spanish government budget. It is true that ERC voted against the bill, a necessary step, once the PSOE decided to rely on the PP and Ciudadanos, who abstained, in addition to the PNV, which as usual fought the war on its own. The agreement reached in its moment by the government with ERC did not last until the final draft when an amendment which undermined the real independent producers was magically inserted. Or, at least, against what was understood as independent producers. Now the field is wide open for large firms and platforms to sneak in through the back door.
To put it bluntly, with this law passed, films like Alcarràs would be more difficult or even impossible to make, as others would have previously appropriated the financial aid intended, in principle, for truly independent producers who do their work in co-official languages such as Catalan. Hours before this attack, Pedro Sánchez had also stood in the Spanish Cortes, and without even blushing, justified the espionage against the pro-independence leaders - including president Pere Aragonès - and disavowed any responsibility for the matter. Two punches in the stomachs for your government ally - which had demanded the resignation of defence minister Margarita Robles, and asked for an interview with the Spanish prime minister that has not been granted, nor does it have a date - in the same day should be difficult for ERC to digest however dormant the sensors might be on the opinion of its members and voter base.
Earlier this week, at El Nacional.cat we published a survey on the opinion of Catalans on the results of the dialogue table. The results were predictable: almost 67% gave the table a very negative rating and only 8% looked on its work positively. There was no Catalan party whose voters gave it a positive view. Not even those of ERC, who have put all their iron in the fire, as it is only their own government ministers that are seated at the dialogue table. A negative view was given by 68% of ERC's own voters while affirmative positions didn't pass 5 percent. In another question, 66% of ERC voters thought that they should stop supporting Sánchez if he did not offer more a convincing explanation and accept more responsibility over Catalangate.
Winston Churchill once said that, in politics, it is no use saying you are doing your best, but rather you have to succeed in doing what is necessary. And I'm afraid we're far from that.