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Behind the grandiloquent speeches against Vox from all the political parties there's a much harder truth which neither PSOE, nor PP, nor Ciudadanos are prepared to accept: pacts to isolate the far right are welcome as long as it's not detrimental to me. During the constitution of the Bureau of the Spanish Congress we've had a clear example of this, leaving a crack which Vox deputy Ignacio Gil Lázaro could slip through. PSOE wanted to ensure the first deputy speakership for its deputy Alfonso Rodríguez Gómez de Celis (as well as the speakership for Meritxell Batet) instead of leaving the role in the hands of PP's Ana Pastor and settling for the second deputy role. If they hadn't, Vox today wouldn't be on the Bureau.

And you can't help comparing it with what's happened in other countries when situations have occurred which bear some similarity. For example, when the Front National was still emerging in France and it was led by Jean-Marie Le Pen. We're talking about 2002 when, after the first round of the presidential election and the two hopefuls to make the cut were Jacques Chirac and Le Pen, the French left called supporters to vote for Chirac. They got nothing in exchange, and a subdued Chirac achieved a second term during which he did nothing but delay again the reforms the country needed and which to date still haven't been implemented. The "cordon sanitaire" against the French far right worked and has worked since and is apart from any partisan debate that may take place. That, in Spain, would likely be unthinkable in light of the fact they're incapable of agreeing on the Congress's Bureau!

Today, tomorrow and in the months to come, we will hear more talk of the disaster represented by Vox's presence in Spain's institution, and that's true, but words, in the end, blow away with the wind and what's left is what the parties do, not what they say. That will be, in part, because many things in Spain have gone off course. As such, it's not strange that nobody is surprised that a public prosecutor like Javier Zaragoza, who bore the weight of the Catalan referendum trial in the Supreme Court, should claim in a Moroccan weekly that the independence process and the referendum on 1st October 2017 have been more harmful than the attempted coup d'état on 23rd February 1981 headed by Milans del Bosch, Armada, Tejero and company.

It's certainly astonishing how both events can be compared from such important legal positions and how they can continue defending something which European courts have already knocked down with the previous European Arrest Warrants when the Supreme Court discounted the charge of rebellion and the new European Warrants with sedition as their standard​ have a path full of difficulties ahead of them and very likely won't end up being accepted by any of the courts which are studying them. But what matters, on this issue too, is what is said. Not what's done.