In one of the last meetings between the Catalan president, Carles Puigdemont, and his ministers, probably in the lunch before the start of the holiday period, a roadmap was established that not even the tragic attacks of August have managed to alter: the outline as distant as possible in the face of any provocation by the Spanish state, with the argument that the central position of the Catalan government on the subject of the referendum has a social majority in Catalonia, and a relatively high understanding amongst international public opinion. As a result of this strategy, many times, especially before 17th August, there was some concern in certain sectors of Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes) about the dialectic limelight of the CUP (Popular Unity Candidacy). Nothing, however, has been left to chance, as Puigdemont and Junqueras wanted both parties to remain out of sight just weeks away from the intense media focus, and that only the politicians with responsibilites would be giving opinions.
The attacks truncated this strategy. The Catalan government first had to face an exceptional contingency plan, which was only met with specific criticisms, but which forced the main members of the executive to have to return to work in a different way than planned. To this has been added during recent days the botched campaign of false documents to discredit the Mossos (Catalan police) and those with the main responsibility. Beyond the journalistic montage and its intentions, and accepting that its final damage has been relative, it has revealed something that should not be overlooked: the firepower of the referendum's adversaries is so high that whatever political action is implemented, there are more than enough loudspeakers to put out a contrasting story, even if it is a lie.
This has been the lesson of the last three days, because the debate about the journalistic work has, frankly, a short run. So short that the Spanish government has publicly avoided it on tiptoe, both the Spanish prime minister, Mariano Rajoy, this Saturday in Valencia, and also the spokesman of the executive, Íñigo Méndez Vigo, last Friday, during the usual press conference after the Cabinet Meeting. From which it can be deduced that either they are not satisfied with the result or that in some place within the apparatus of the Spanish state, someone has gone too far. With time, we will know. But listenting to Mariano Rajoy it is evident that he does not want to discuss the topic — the prestige of the Mossos among the citizens has not been diminished despite the brutal campaign — and, in exchange, the threats to the Catalan government have climbed several steps, and to the representatives of Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes) in face of the parliamentary day next Wednesday, that will open the door to the institutional conflict with the approval of the Law of the Referendum, and the Law of Transitional Jurisprudence and Foundational of the Republic, and subsequently, with the signing of the decree for the call of the referendum on 1st October.
The words of Puigdemont calling for the citizens to not fall for the provocation from the Spanish government, and to have "serenity and hope" in face of the "upset and anger" of the Spanish authorities, is much more than an impromptu declaration. It is all admonition before crossing the Rubicon of the Catalan legislature.