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This Saturday's statements by president Carles Puigdemont from Brussels and the pronouncement by the national council of ERC (Catalan Republican Left) supporting a joint list1 going beyond the Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes) parliamentary coalition for the 21st December election, are putting the seams of the partisan independence movement to the test at an exceptional moment in the recent history of Catalonia. With president Puigdemont exiled in Brussels with four ministers (and pending an extradition warrant to Spain) and vice-president Oriol Junqueras and seven other ministers in preventive custody without bail in Madrid, it's obvious that it's not a normal election. It is not, nor will it be, if the democratic anomaly of having political prisoners in 2017 isn't reverted and, what's more, if the institutional abuse of the extemporaneous application of article 155 of the Spanish Constitution to try to dismantle, whatever the cost, the institutions of Catalan self-government isn't stopped.

From this grim and unheard of situation, it would be good for that part of the independence movement which yields to nothing to, if only this once, listen to the voices of caution before practising one of its favourite sports, being merciless with the disagreement. Reservations of some would be welcome if what they want is to debate everything to not repeat past spectacles each time a decision needs to be taken. In fact, the proposal on the table is nothing other than to give the form of an electoral candidacy to all those who decidedly took risks so that 1st October saw an independence referendum and not a demonstration or a protest against the PP (Popular Party).

The prudence of ERC, the party which surveys award with an inarguable leading position, is understandable. Above all, because, for certain, the Junts pel Sí formula has now done the part of the journey which it had to do and now the independence movement needs, if it is to be united, to bring together all those who were also deeply involved on 1st October beyond the Junts pel Sí coalition. Fundamentally, CUP (Popular Unity Candidacy) and alternative parts of Podemos (We Can), like the one represented by, among others, Albano Fachin. The intervention by Marta Rovira in ERC's national council meeting this Saturday was sufficiently enlightening and a demonstration of the new leadership role that she will have to carry out whilst Oriol Junqueras remains in custody, as ordered by Spain's National Audience court.

A list like this isn't easy. In fact, it's completely impossible if not for the exceptional nature of the moment and the attack planned by the Spanish state, which it's facing and which threatens to destroy everything. Even the smallest Catalan symbol doesn't fit with article 155. But let no one be deceived, electorally speaking it's a risky candidature if some part of some electoral bloc doesn't understand what's at stake, chooses to look askance instead of digging deep and, in the end, parts of their electorate stay at home. If it would play out like that, it's not worth it.

The appeal from president Puigdemont, who yesterday evening had already shown his willingness to be a candidate and his support for a joint list "for the release of the political prisoners, for the Republic and for Catalonia", is sufficiently broad to include all the parties that supported the 1st October.. And also for Jordi Sànchez and Jordi Cuixart, in prison since 16th October.

There's nothing more democratic than returning the legitimate aspirations of Catalonia with ballot boxes full of votes and that's the best response to the illegitimate election called by Madrid.

 

Translator's Note:

1. Catalan elections are run via closed-list proportional representation. Each party or group of parties can propose a list of candidates for each of the 4 provinces. Based on the proportion of votes they receive in each province they then